KLEPTIK today publishes the opening report in The Grenada Files, an investigative series tracing the relationships between political support, public office and private business in Grenada. Sequence One: The Architecture of Power follows the transition that brought The Honourable Dickon Mitchell and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) to government in 2022, then examines how appointments, investment promotion and major development projects brought political, diplomatic and commercial interests into contact.

The report begins with Mitchell's move from private legal practice to party leadership in 2021 and the premiership the following year. It considers reporting about the organisation behind his political entry, while distinguishing those accounts from verified donor records. It then follows the responsibilities concentrated around the Prime Minister's office, including infrastructure, national security, public administration and information, and asks how decisions involving earlier professional or political relationships are recorded and scrutinised.

From there, the investigation follows people whose roles cross several parts of public life. Andrea St Bernard's trajectory connects party treasury, the Grenada Electricity Services Ltd. (Grenlec) board, development diplomacy, Project Polaris and the Grenada Development Bank. Richard Nixon's diplomatic and The Grenada Investment Development Corporation (GIDC) investment-promotion responsibilities sit alongside documented private development and CBI-related interests. Hassan Hadeed's ambassadorial responsibilities coexist with substantial business interests. The report examines what these overlapping roles require in practice: clear mandates, declarations of interests, records of recusals and rules governing investor introductions.
The September 2026 investment breakfast during UN General Assembly week provides a concrete example. Government reporting describes St Bernard presenting Project Polaris and Nixon presenting Grenada's investment proposition to prospective partners. Sequence One asks what happens after such an introduction: who follows up, how an opportunity is allocated, and what safeguards apply if an official also has a commercial interest in the sector. Attendance and overlapping roles are documented; they do not establish that an official contact was diverted into private business.

Project Polaris brings those questions into a major public investment. The Government describes the planned 250-bed hospital as the anchor of the wider 84-acre Hope Vale Medical City. The report looks beyond the hospital building to the advisers, financing, land arrangements and commercial opportunities surrounding it, including accommodation, retirement, hospitality and wellness services contemplated in project materials. It asks who shaped the development model, how paid mandates and future rights are awarded, and what information would allow the public to assess the benefits and costs.

Kawana Bay offers a historical comparison. A dispute involving a CBI developer and former diplomat progressed through international arbitration before the succeeding administration pursued a settlement and a new development path. The reported US$22 million acquisition and settlement give the investigation a specific decision to examine through valuations, negotiation records, conflict screening and subsequent economic rights. The report does not treat the change of government or the settlement itself as evidence of favouritism.

Together, these cases show what the investigation is trying to establish: how public decisions were made, what interests were present, and who received the resulting benefits. Sequence One proposes examining public outcomes, such as capital invested, healthcare delivered and jobs created, alongside private outcomes, including fees, commissions, contracts, land rights and equity. Private returns can be legitimate. The question is whether the process was transparent, relevant conflicts were managed and the public received a measurable return.

The report documents relationships and identifies gaps in the records available to KLEPTIK. It does not conclude that the people named formed a corrupt network, that appointments were purchased or that political support secured a particular commercial outcome. Published allegations remain attributed. Further evidence and substantive responses may strengthen, narrow or change the findings.

The opening release includes the full report and a shorter distribution edition. Later instalments will follow specific relationships, decisions and financial flows, testing the questions raised in Sequence One against the records that can answer them.

Read the report:
https://www.kleptik.com/investigations/grenada-files-architecture-of-power

About KLEPTIK
KLEPTIK is an investigative intelligence newsroom covering corruption, kleptocracy, illicit finance, sanctions evasion and market fraud. Its website identifies the publisher as the Global Corruption Investigative Reporting Project (GCIRP).
Its stated mission is to trace money and power across borders through public records, court filings, corporate information and original reporting. Its published editorial standards distinguish established facts from allegations, call for corroboration and provide for a meaningful opportunity for named subjects to respond.

Media enquiries and responses: [email protected]
Website: www.kleptik.com